No Gloating from India Over U.S. Downgrade

An Indian stockbroker watches share prices on his screen during trading at a brokerage house in Mumbai on August 9, 2011. (Photo: Indranil Mukherjee / AFP / Getty Images)

Indian businesses are worried, even if they’re not quite ready to admit it. That was the subtext of the statement issued yesterday by Nasscom, the industry’s main trade group, after the big American downgrade announced on Monday. “The economic crisis in the US, unfolding over the last few days, does not have any major bearing on the country’s private sector,” the statement said. Nasscom’s position — as it has been since the 2008 financial meltdown — is that India’s IT companies have diversified beyond the U.S., that it has “a burgeoning domestic market which is equipped to sustain growth” and that bad times in the U.S. are actually good times in India, because “in case of an economic slump, we see the Indian IT industry strengthening its partnership with the US customers to build-in greater business efficiencies.”

Investors aren’t buying it, quite literally. The three big blue-chip Indian IT stocks plunged yesterday: TCS, the largest IT firm was down 6.46%; Infosys, down 4.78% and Wipro down 5.28%. The pressure on IT stocks brought down the Bombay Stock Exchange by  1.82% — not nearly as bad as the sell off in other Asian markets, but still a sign of trouble in a country that has been gloating until very recently about being immune to the ill winds blowing through the U.S. and Europe.

Policymakers came out in force to reassure India and the rest of the world that everything’s fine, beginning with Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee: “India’s fundamentals are strong, we are in a position to manage the challenge” to Montek Singh Ahluwalia of the Planning Commission: “I think our growth will still be robust” to chief economic advisor Kaushik Basu: “the India story remains robust.” Ahluwalia went so far as to predict 8.2% growth for the Indian economy this year, and 9% for the next few years.

India, however, did not join China in scolding the U.S. to “live within its means.” How can it? India’s estimated public debt is about 56% of GDP, not much better than the U.S. at 59%. The U.S. has huge entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare; India has huge subsidy programs for the rural poor and a bloated public sector; the American public resists tax increases; the Indian public resists tax collection in general. And India, unlike China, allows its currency to float more or less freely against the dollar, making it more vulnerable to exchange rate pressures.

For India’s economy to be the “safe haven” that policy makers promise, two things will have to happen. First, foreign investors from the U.S. and Europe will have to believe that they will get real returns from the billions they have been investing in Indian infrastructure and power companies. Foreign direct investment in India was up 57% in the first half of this year — but that’s compared to 2010, when FDI plunged by 25%. That pull-back was a wake-up call for India; when investors have other options, they’ll go elsewhere. India needs FDI to improve its dismal infrastructure and power grid (thanks to all that debt, it can’t pay for it by itself); and it needs reliable electricity and good roads for factories, shops and software companies to run profitably. Second, it will have to ease the remaining restrictions on retail and other industries. U.S. companies have realized that they need to reach Indian consumers to have a hope of surviving the 21st century (case in point: Ford’s $1 billion investment in an auto factory in Gujarat); if India wants to be part of that story, it will have to let them in.

Related Topics: exchange rate, ford, infosys, kaushik basu, montek singh ahluwalia, nasscom, pranab mukherjee, tcs, wipro, China, India, Infrastructure, U.S., Uncategorized
  • Latest on Global Spin

    Benjamin Hiller/Corbis

    Must-Reads from Around the World, May 22, 2012

    Summit Struggle - Ahead of Wednesday’s crunch E.U. summit, Der Spiegel reports that new French President François Hollande will pressure German Chancellor Angela Merkel to agree to euro bonds, which she has so far strictly opposed. “Italy and Britain are expected to back Hollande in a further sign that Merkel is increasingly isolated in Europe with her austerity plan for saving the euro,” the German news magazine predicts.

    Yin Dongxun/Xinhua/ZUMAPRESS.com

    Jerusalem Day in the Old City: The Conflict Marches On

    Sunday was Jerusalem Day in Israel, a holiday once again observed by thousands of young Jews who chanted as they marched through Arab neighborhoods conquered in the 1967 Six Day War. The tension is always highest in the narrow passages of the largely Palestinian Old City. So much so that the city’s police this year tried to route the column of youths — most singing patriotic and religious songs, a few chanting “Death to the Arabs” — away from the Arab Quarter. But in the end, the police proved powerless against tradition, and the original route was restored. On Jerusalem Day, marching through the Arab Quarter is the whole point.

    Pablo Martinez Monsivais / AP

    Obama’s Afghanistan Problem: Neither Karzai Nor the Taliban Like the ‘Reconciliation’ Script

    President Barack Obama huddled with President Hamid Karzai in Chicago on Sunday, urging Afghanistan’s leader to accelerate negotiations with the Taliban over a political solution to the longest war in America’s history. But the prospect for Karzai negotiating successfully with the insurgents is clouded by a question raised by Josef Stalin, on the eve of World War II, in response to the suggestion that he offer concessions to the Pope: “How many divisions does he have?” The Taliban now ask the same question about Karzai. And should the Afghan leader also ask himself the question, he might reach a similarly dispiriting conclusion. Karzai’s independent power base is minimal, as is his ability to influence the outcome of his country’s civil war absent direct U.S. involvement. And that gives neither Karzai nor the Taliban much incentive to cut a deal with the other.

blog comments powered by Disqus